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Make the Media Better? Try Diversity

By Hamilton Nolan, Deadspin

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Is that a smile?

Donald Trump won, and the media is grasping for answers as to why we didn’t predict it. Already, you can see the seeds of many bad solutions forming.

The New York Times, a useful enough stand-in for the prestige mainstream media, did communicate in both the tone and substance of its coverage that Hillary Clinton was overwhelmingly likely to win the election. It is fair and appropriate for the Times and all of the other news outlets that did the same to stage a post-mortem and figure out where their prediction and analysis went wrong. (News outlets specifically need to focus on the “Our objective analysis of facts tells us that Trump will lose the election” aspect of their reporting, not the “Here are a thousand legitimate news stories about bad things Trump has done” aspect. Legitimate reporting is legitimate. The failure in this case was one of analysis.) This quote from Times editor Dean Baquet is very representative of the post-election reflections of many media big shots: “If I have a mea culpa for journalists and journalism, it’s that we’ve got to do a much better job of being on the road, out in the country, talking to different kinds of people than the people we talk to — especially if you happen to be a New York-based news organization — and remind ourselves that New York is not the real world.”

Baquet’s thoughts have been echoed in varying forms by other walking representations of the concept of “media elites,” as if they had just awoken from a trance—damn … we’re elites! Perhaps this is bad? Unfortunately, if you understand how prestige media outlets tend to react to things like this, it is possible to discern that the post-Trump media reformation is already beginning to go off the rails.

The problem is not that the New York Times (who we are using here as a representative of the prestige media at large) failed to cover “middle America.” The problem is that the New York Times covers middle America as if it was venturing into a strange and foreign land where the most mundane aspects of life must be explained as exotic novelties. In Kansas City they eat “barbecue”—crazy! The sincere efforts of the Times to cover this entire nation often devolve into farce. It’s not that they’re not trying. It’s that they don’t have the proper tools.

What does the media need? Diversity. Period. Diversity in the newsrooms, diversity among editors, diversity among executives. All news publications are ultimately the product of the collective lived experience of the people who put them out. There is no super-intelligent omniscient robot deciding what goes in the New York Times; it is the product of a bunch of people sitting in a room, using their own best judgment. Their own best judgment is shaped by their own lives. If you do not have people in that room who lived a very wide array of different types of lives, your publication will have holes. This is why the New York Times can write very credible analyses of barbecue restaurants in Williamsburg, yet a trip to Kansas City comes off as the equivalent of a trip to the moon.

Of course, every media outlet will tell you they value diversity. The deeper problem is what places like the New York Times think diversity is. The Times’s approach to diversity is to hire a black person who went to Columbia Journalism School and a woman who went to Princeton and someone who grew up in rural West Virginia who went to Harvard. This is not what diversity means. Elite institutions that can recruit anyone they want often achieve a surface-level visual diversity that leaves in place the fundamental problem of everyone seeing the world in basically the same way. The media needs racial diversity. It needs gender diversity. It needs geographic diversity. But it also needs economic diversity, a diversity of background and class, and this has been a resolute blind spot.

Many of the smartest writers in America never graduated from college. I’ve worked with them! Writing is a talent that can be developed in isolation and is distributed widely. Some of the most perceptive political commentators on America are random people on Twitter who have day jobs. There are great journalists working at crappy small town papers and dreary trade magazines and in the black press and all over everywhere. Go get them! You’re the fucking New York Times. You can hire anyone. Going out and raiding other prestige publications for non-white-male writers and then being satisfied that you have achieved diversity ensures you will never achieve real diversity. (Let’s not even discuss the misguided quest for ideological diversity, which is responsible for the career of David Brooks.)

The “elite media,” to the extent such a thing still exists, must recruit young writers who are not Ivy League graduates, who may not be friends with people who already work there, and who may not be wealthy enough to run in the same social circles. These are the writers who will bring a true diversity of lived experience to your publication, which will translate into a true diversity of stories, and will hopefully prevent you from sounding ridiculous when you cover certain people, places, and things. And this diverse staff must constantly be replenished. Once someone has spent a decade working for the New York Times, they have probably ceased to provide a lot of economic diversity.

Also, the problem is not that “New York is not the real world.” New York is just fine. Queens—a New York borough!—is one of the most diverse places in America. Stop spending so much time in Soho House. It’s a big city.

Let’s mention a related issue that is the subject of much agitation now: polls. The polls in this election were wrong. Does this mean that it would have been better to predict the winner of the election by “talking to people” and counting yard signs? No. Looking at yard signs is how Peggy Noonan came to believe that Mitt Romney would win in 2012. It is not a reliable predictive method. In fact, do you know what the only legitimate way is to take the political temperature of a nation of 300 million people scattered across 3.8 million square miles?

If the polls were flawed during this election, that presents an engineering problem. How can we make the polls more accurate? Do they need better sampling methods? Better statistical analysis? Is it simply that we should be clearer about the margin for error and not present polls as so definitive? These are questions for polling experts, who should refine the polls so that they both reflect the vote as accurately as possible and are as honest as possible about their own shortcomings. No one disagrees with this, and I have no doubt that these efforts are already underway.

But let’s not all float off into space here. I’m from Florida. Could I have told you that lots of people in Florida would vote for Trump? Sure! Florida has many racists. But could I have predicted the exact percentage breakdown of the vote? No. That’s lunacy. You need polls for that. Should the media, in an effort to report on the probable voting tendencies of more than 100 million people, rely less on polls and more on “We talked to the lunch crowd at the diner by the old ball bearings factory?” No. Not unless the lunch crowd is 100 million people.

The makeup of the media should reflect the makeup of the people they cover.

Diversify, and watch a lot of problems solve themselves.

Political Reporters Know Nothing

An Inside Radio Report

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It’s not just broadcasters assessing what a Trump administration will mean for media policy at the Federal Communications Commission. So too are civil rights groups who fear their efforts to increase media diversity and press broadcasters will be even more challenging.

Many Washington insiders expect the Trump administration will initially take steps to reverse several policies adopted by the FCC during President Obama’s term. Free Press, which has been a longtime critic of media consolidation among other issues, says it plans to “oppose rollbacks” proposed by a Republican-controlled Commission. “We will fight back,” Free Press tells supporters in a Facebook post. “We will fight for internet freedom. We will fight to replace the failing media with better, deeper reporting in your community,” the message adds.

Multicultural Media, Telecom and Internet Council (MMTC) cofounder David Honig says his group is nonpartisan and has counted on support from both political parties through the years. “We pride ourselves for being able to work with FCC commissioners and chairs of both parties—so we think there is going to be room to work with whoever is chair,” he says. “There are obviously issues regardless of who is chair that we will disagree but that’s our job.” A critical indicator for Honig will come in the Trump nomination process. “From our vantage point a lot depends on who they select as chair,” he says. Beltway speculation this week is that Trump won’t opt for an outsider but will instead tap current commissioner Ajit Pai to lead the agency. “I think he would be an excellent chair,” Honig says, pointing out that Pai has been a champion of AM radio and relaxing foreign ownership rules while at the same time speaking about the importance of diversity.

Activists were encouraged when Trump was critical last month of the consolidation that AT&T’s proposed buyout of Time Warner would bring, but Honig isn’t convinced the new President will reject efforts to allow more media consolidation. “What he said was during an election campaign about a particular deal; words from a candidate who didn’t have anything up on his website about communications policy,” Honig says. “For all we know that could have been he didn’t like certain anchors on CNN. You can’t really read into it that he’s given any thought about vertical integration and what that does to new entrants to innovation. That’s a policy question that he may not have studied or talked with experts about.”

Civil rights leaders have been concerned about a Trump administration for months because of what they’ve viewed as the racially hostile statements made by the billionaire during the campaign. But Honig says the President-elect has also pledged he won’t overlook communities of color. “We, like all civil rights organizations, are going to try to hold him to those statements,” Honig says.

Yet the advocacy groups may have reason to worry that the FCC’s agenda will tilt in a direction not to their liking. Attorney David Oxenford says a Republican administration may also require broadcasters to adjust their thinking and strategies related to several issues. “One would certainly expect a lessening of the regulatory burden on broadcasters—as lessening burdensome regulations on businesses was a clear plank of the Trump agenda,” he says. Oxenford writes in a blog post that other paperwork requirements could also be abolished such as the Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) requirements and public file obligations. “Question marks for broadcasters include antitrust policy, where candidate Trump has indicated some concern with businesses, including those in the media space, from getting bigger,” Oxenford says. He thinks the National Association of Broadcasters may even go so far as to abandon any legal challenges to the FCC’s media ownership rules if there was an indication the new Republican-controlled Commission was set on a course to see things differently.

For now, NAB president Gordon Smith says he doesn’t hear any “alarm bells” going off for broadcasters. “We look forward to working with the next administration in support of a pro-innovation and regulatory reform agenda that will allow local broadcasting to flourish and reach every viewer and listener, anywhere and anytime,” Smith says in a statement.

By Steve Schwaid, VP of Digital Strategies, CJ&N

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Many say we “missed it.” I think they’re right.

Critics say the media didn’t get it because they are “media elites” who are out of touch with the people. And I think they’re right.

Honestly, I didn’t quite understand the meaning of “media elites” at first. But I think I do now.

Many of us in local newsrooms may be considered “elites” by Donald Trump voters. We’re highly educated, earn good salaries with the ability to put money in 401k accounts, and we’re controlling what they see and hear on TV. Sure, many of us have liberal leanings because we got into journalism to help people fight for causes and make lives better. But many Trump voters may feel we don’t always fight for the hard-working folks who don’t rely on subsidies, and they don’t like it.

We look down on those who challenge us. When we get that call from the viewer who doesn’t sound highly educated or might not have a strong vocabulary, do we listen or brush them off? Those people you brush off may be an important part of Trump voters. Not highly educated, but blue collar workers who put in long shifts, possibly working two jobs to care for their families – patriotic Americans who feel no one cares about them. As Trump called them: “The forgotten.”

So when we think we know what’s best, when we feel smarter, when we think we’re right and they’re delusional. We don’t, and we’re not.

We Didn’t Get It

We didn’t understand or try to understand the Trump movement. We didn’t respect that almost every one of his rallies was filled to the max, sometime up to 20,000 people. We missed the passion of those who waited hours and hours in line – sometimes more than
12 hours to just get into the arena to see and hear him.

We dismissed him as a reality TV character. We were turned off by the various offensive
comments and instead of reporting it straight we turned it into a side show. The way he treated the media made us hope he wouldn’t win.

But we missed it. That light at the end of the tunnel was the Trump Train coming right at us and we never understood the passengers.

We’re Not Them

Average U.S. household income for a family of four with both parents working is around $54,000. Many in news departments make more than that, especially managers, reporters and anchors – the people who assign, report and tell the stories. If they make less than that, they likely still have a college degree.

Look at your station’s parking lot. If you’re in a bigger market, many cars are less than 3 years old. A few are expensive models. Yet that family of four living on $54,000 chances are have at least one car that’s 10 years or older. When a repair is needed, it strains the budget and their credit cards.

For some in your newsroom, it may have been a while since you’ve shopped at a Walmart or Kmart. A lot of Trump voters go there to stretch their paychecks, and get discounts on clothing or deals on food. If you haven’t been to one, do it. Wander around and really watch the people. They’re your viewers. (They’re in the demo of 25-54 who are high frequency TV watchers. They watch far more local news than a higher income or higher educated viewer).

This is NOT to say that all Trump voters are blue collar. The Trump voters wanted change, much like those who voted for Obama for hope and change but didn’t feel it happened and wanted to try something new.

There were also many college educated in the electorate that voted Trump. Many were called “leaners,” a term I’m stealing from a cable pundit. These are the folks that when asked by a friend who they would vote for, would lower their voice and lean in and quietly say, “Trump.” But many in the media assumed only the “poorly educated” would vote for Trump. We were biased.

Reporters are often asked to do stories with “person on the street” sound. Typically, they go to the nearest strip mall or downtown street. How many reporters went out to the rural parts of their coverage area? That’s where the Trump voters were. Those were the people that elected Trump.

You can wonder how the pollsters got it so wrong. But we’re the ones on the front lines – we should have seen it, too. Instead of dismissing Trump as a fad, a character, a loud mouth with offensive comments, we failed to see his following.

So How Do We Change?

To start, we all need to take a step back and look at our processes and decision making. It’s too late for election coverage, but the story isn’t over.

Some suggestions:

  • News managers should sit down with their team and ask, “Were we biased against Trump and his followers?” Watch a few stories from when he was in your market and compare them to your Clinton coverage. What stands out? Was your presentation fair? Or were we the liberal elite that tried to ignore him, felt embarrassed by him, and scoffed at his viability? It’s too late to change it now, but what does it tell you about yourself?
  • Did we take time to really explore the issues he was campaigning on? Did we dig up local facts on how many jobs were lost? Did we talk to those who lost jobs during the recession and are now working again? Are they making less or more? How many 50-year-olds were laid off and are still without jobs? Did we do reporting or just cover that day’s events?
  • Most of us working in newsrooms don’t look or live like many Americans. Pull out your latest content research projects and look at what stories are important to people. Share this with your producers, reporters and photographers. Focus more of your attention on the heavier TV viewers – blue collar workers, folks without college degrees, people who may not look like you but rely on you for local news and information. Tell their stories or stories that impact them.
  • If you take these steps, be transparent with your audience about your findings. If you felt your coverage could have been improved say so, and explain the steps you’re taking. (But don’t alienate the other half of the country.)
  • Literally talk with your viewers. Years ago stations did ascertainments. We brought people together to ask what was going on there they live. Consider doing a few of these throughout your viewing area. Invite viewers to meet over coffee and hear what they have to say. You’ll get story ideas and they can also vent. Earn their respect again.

I’ll be the first to admit it. I didn’t get it.

Right now, it’s not about ratings. It’s not who had the story first. It’s about our credibility, our ability to be objective, our ability to understand our viewers – and show them clearly we are not part of “The Rigged System.” We cannot afford to be elite.

INSIDE RADIO REPORT

Hispanic broadcaster Univision reported disappointing financial results for its third quarter Thursday, largely due to declines in advertising revenue and a nearly $200 million write down associated with its radio business. While the company looks to rebound, Univision says it is following the trends of its diverse and fast-growing audience.

It is, therefore, expanding its portfolio to include more digital assets and moving to reduce its reliance on advertising revenue.

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Univision’s total revenue tumbled 8.3% in the third quarter to $734.8 million, compared to $801.5 million for the same period a year ago, the company said Thursday. Univision’s radio stations struggled to produce growth, with total revenue falling 3.8% to $71.3 million compared to $74.1 million for the same period in 2015. Radio advertising revenue dipped 2.3% to $68.8 million from $70.4 million.

Univision says its radio stations have enjoyed some recent ratings success. In September, 10 of its stations finished No. 1 in total week among Spanish-language stations for adults 18-49 in their markets.

Also in Q3, Univision posted a loss of $30.5 million and wrote down $199.5 million, “primarily related to the write-down of radio broadcast licenses,” the company said. A year ago, Univision posted a $109.8 million profit. It’s the third time in three years the company has written down its radio assets. In 2015 it recorded non-cash impairment losses of $224.4 million, which included $161.3 million related to the write-down of broadcast radio licenses. And in 2014, Univision took a $133.4 million radio write-down. The Securities and Exchange Commission requires publicly traded companies to assess the value of their assets on an annual basis. CBS Radio, for instance, recently took a $484 million charge on its radio licenses.

Separately Univision cut a $2 million deal to sell its three-station radio cluster in El Paso, one of its smallest markets. Most of Univision’s radio clusters are in the top markets, including stations in 16 of the top 25.

Amid the company’s disappointing financial news, digital is emerging as a bright spot. Univision has been on a digital buying spree lately, scooping up some of the assets of Gawker Media, now called Gizmodo Media, and former partner Disney’s interest in the Fusion network, combining those with popular univision.com, satire site The Onion and The Root, an African-American-targeted website. At the same time, Univision is expanding its content licensing deals and developing a subscription video-streaming product, all with the eye toward developing new revenue sources.

Combined with Univision’s radio stations, local TV stations, broadcast network and cable networks, CEO Randy Falco says Univision now has unparalleled reach in both the Hispanic marketplace and beyond. Falco says Univision’s reach across platforms grew more than 37% during the first nine months of the year to nearly 89 million users, compared to 64 million during the same period a year ago.

“U.S. Hispanics are and will continue to be at our core,” Falco said Thursday on a conference call with investors. “However, as our audience has changed, as the country changes and as consumer preferences change, we will be there making innovative investments in content and distribution to capitalize on the opportunities these changes bring about.”

Looking ahead to the fourth quarter, Univision CFO Francisco Lopez-Balboa says overall, Univision is pacing flat to down slightly, while the radio stations are pacing down low-double digits, driven by continued softness in national advertising, which hurt the radio stations in Q3 as well.

Univision did attract about $3 million in political and advocacy advertising dollars in Q3, bringing the company’s total during the 2016 election cycle up to about $10.5 million. However, that fell short of 2012 spending, when Univision collected about $16 million. Lopez-Balboa said political spending was “below our expectations, but this was a unique election cycle.”

When asked what Republican Donald Trump’s election could mean for the company and its audience, Falco said he didn’t expect the new administration “to impact Univision in any meaningful way.

“We will continue to advocate for this community regardless of who is in the White House,” Falco said. “This is a growing demographic that is increasingly influential in all circles of our culture, frankly, including the political culture. That means only good things going forward.”